Bibliographies: 'Socio Political Realism' – Grafiati (2024)

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Brynov, Vitaliy. “Socio-political Ethics of Reinhold Niebuhr’s Christian Realism.” Thesis for the degree of candidate of philosophy – 09.00.14 (041 – Theology). The thesis is devoted to the complex analysis of social and political ethics in the Christianrealism of Reinhold Niebuhr. Niebuhr’s Christian realism is considered a return to Christian evangelical values in the socio-political space and a demonstration of Christianity’s ability to answer the complex questions of the contemporary world. The main characteristics of Christian realism are practicality and pragmatism, orientation on biblical ethics, as well as honesty and openness in recognizing human limitations. In the Ukrainian academic space, there are no studies of the phenomenon of Christian realism, no studies of the works of the brothers Reinhold Niebuhr and Helmut Richard Niebuhr, and there are no works of these authors translated into Ukrainian. Therefore, the research aims to overcome this drawback, and it focuses on Reinhold Niebuhr’s activities, social and political concepts, and the practical usage of the Christian realism ideas in Ukrainian society in the early XXI century.

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In order to gain a better understanding of contemporary political realism, as well as of the theories of two classical political philosophers, this paper argues that the methodological roots of a contextualist model of realism can be found, among others, in the writings of Aristotle and Machiavelli. It is argued that the methodological assumptions of contextualist political realism can be formulated through two main notions: 1) the experiential basis – analysis of politics through reliance on experience from political practice; and 2) contextualism – avoiding universal claims as much as possible, i.e., making claims about politics always within a socio-historical context. Using those lenses, the paper points out the methodological elements of Aristotle’s and Machiavelli’s political theories that are in line with this version of political realism, claiming both of them could be perceived as forerunners to a certain degree.

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This text examines the first official exhibition of the Yugoslav Association of Fine Artists, and the theoretical, socio-political, and institutional contexts of the Socialist Realist period in Yugoslav art (spanning roughly the years between1945 and 1954). Post-war artistic and cultural environment, the first exhibition, and critical aesthetic debates around Socialist Realism exemplify Yugoslavia's struggle to make sense of, and implement, Socialist Realism as an official artistic, cultural, and political category. Its development paralleled the state's own wrestling with notions of socialist governance and its proper implementation. Difficulties with Socialist Realist aesthetic and the ensuing paradoxes in its adaptation in Yugoslav art are at the core of the dialogs, theoretical discourses, and critical responses to the first exhibition. My analysis uses accounts and reviews of the exhibition, as well as official writings and arguments presented by the state and cultural officials to argue that Yugoslav art of the time was in fact transgressive, a hybrid of modernism and Socialist Realism. Rather than reading its hybridity as a failure, as some have argued, I read the hybridity of Yugoslav art as a space of possibilities that would have opened a new art praxis in Yugoslavia of the time.

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Realism attempts to discovering and expressing reality and replacing reality by imagination, dreaming, and legends, the realist writer uses his genius and modernity instead of a fictitious one in observing and expressing details. The school of realism is one of the most fundamental art schools that emerged in France in the mid-nineteenth century and expanded rapidly. Avoiding the imagination and inner inspirations of the romantics and addressing the realities of the universe outsidewere the most basic principles of this school that poets, writers and artists adopted and followed. In Iran and Iraq, poets and writers focused on social issues and the decline and backwardness of their own countries.The literature of each nation reflects the political and social conditions of the nation. Given that the socioeconomic conditions of Iran and Iraq have been affected by the same events in contemporary times, the thoughts and the literary themes of these two literatures are largely similar. Among the prominent contemporary poets of Iran and Iraq are: Nima Youshij and Siavash Kasraei in Iran, Badr Shakir al-Sayyab and Abdul Wahhab al-Bayati in Iraq, pointed out that intense tendencies towards freedom and support of workers and farmers have brought the situation to the attention of the country. This studyis limited to studying four poets (Nima Youshij, Siavash Kasraei, Badr shaker al-Sayyab and Abdul Wahhab al-Bayati). By analyzing realism in the poetry of those four poets, each writer believes in particular realism, describing and expressing the social, political, and the describing the nature from the language of each poet in his own way. In his realistic description, each poet expresses a socio-political dimension more prominently

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This article delves into the evolution of the realist method, examining its interrelation with various artistic trends and currents. The impact of socio-political processes on the method's development is explored, emphasizing the dynamic nature of the artistic method and its continuous modifications in the expression of the author's ideas. The concept of 'realism' as a primary method in art is expounded, with an analysis of the perspectives of philosophers, art critics, and artists on its understanding throughout different epochs of cultural development. Characterizing features of realism are delineated, and a conceptual framework is presented, positing "realism" as a means of engaging with and comprehending spiritual and practical reality. The study establishes that realism serves as a conduit for unveiling the social and historical essence of humanity. Realistic painting, in particular, plays a pivotal role in transmitting the cultural code, illustrating the reciprocal interaction between individuals and their surrounding reality. This interaction contributes to a holistic representation of a specific historical period. The research paper encompasses a comprehensive examination of artistic methods, trends, and concepts, including romanticism, impressionism, symbolism, cubism, modernism, postmodernism, and metamodernism. The article underscores the significance of studying the evolution of realism in the visual arts and posits that the phenomenon in realistic art centers on the symbiotic relationship between individuals and their environment. In conclusion, the article asserts that realism not only unveils national traits but also communicates authentic facts that subsequently contribute to the shaping of historical mentality. The research interest in this exploration stems from a profound concern for understanding the nuanced evolution of realism in the visual arts.

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AbstractIn the Quaderni del Carcere, Antonio Gramsci provided the foundations for a socialist theory of democracy. This theory can be drawn from some of Gramsci's most important concepts: his views of intellectual activity on the one hand, and the conceptions of hegemony and civil society on the other. The former provides a general conception of a non-bureaucratic relationship between leaders and the led, the latter points to a participatory model of political activity. This thesis, however, is formulated within the framework of a realist epistemology in which the class structure is conceived as the long-term determinant of the general historical process. Hence, although Gramsci's thought sheds new light on a non-class domain of political activity, it is constrained by both socio-economic conditions and the realism of available knowledge.

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This article aims at showing why the political project that Paul-B. Preciado calls «counter-sexual» clashes on principle with the political project of feminism. By counter-sexuality Preciado means the production of fictions and enjoyments that invert, subvert or recombine the fictions of the hegemonic heteronormative system, while by sexuality feminism –together with the World Health Organization– understands the vital and creative energy irreducible to socio-political or biological determinations. The current analysis will be strictly philosophical and will attempt to expose the radical incompatibility between the socio-linguistic antirealism of queer theories, constructivist in terms of gender and relativist on ethical-political matters, and the material neo-realism of feminism, articulated by complex, interactive, and integrated paradigms

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Abstract Supporting a sustainable world in a situation of war is the background to this study. Additionally, interdisciplinarity forms a part of the dialogical ecosystem of searching for suitable solutions in a complex reality. For such purposes, in this contribution, the co-authors reflect on an actual instance of war. The first author provides a theological, socio-political and philosophical framework for an understanding, based in realism, of the relationship between theology and politics. The second author provides a first-hand case description from Riga, Latvia, of a politically-linked ecumenical project to assist Ukrainian refugees from the Russian invasion.

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The present research critically analyzed the nature, function and dimension of magical realism used by Mexican novelist Laura Esquivel in her Like Water for Chocolate. In the study, the magical realist images were found quite attached to Mexican socio-political contexts. The power of desire and passion, and the struggle for liberty were found to be the major themes in the novel. Magical realistic exaggerations with power of love and memories manifested though the images of food. The study being qualitative employed document, content and textual analysis methods for collecting data. Logical interpretation process was followed in data analysis. The study investigated nature, functions, motives, dimensions and traits of magical realistic images and events as used in Like Water for Chocolate.

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This article examines depictions of class and precarity in a number of representative films, including TwentyFourSeven (Meadows 1997), The Navigators (Loach 2001), This Is England (Meadows 2006), It’s a Free World (Loach 2007), Fish Tank (Arnold 2009), I, Daniel Blake (Loach 2016), Ray & Liz (Billingham 2018), Sorry We Missed You (Loach 2019) and Bait (Jenkin 2019) in order to illuminate the subtle changes that the tradition of British social realism has undergone over the last few decades and to rethink its political potential. The article poses the following questions: do social realist films endow their precarious subjects with agency or do they depict them as passive victims of socio-economic and political forces beyond their control? What new potential conditions of solidarity (if any) do the films envision? What are the dominant affective states that capture the dynamic of precarity in these films: anxiety, frustration, depression, anger, resentment or resignation?

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The question of Russia's geopolitical affiliation has been a cause of centuries long debate, whether Russia belongs to Europe or to Asia. From the geographical point of view, Russia is predominantly situated in Asia. From cultural and civilisational points of view, Russian people tend to lean towards Europe, even though they capture elements of both civilizations. By examination of the most prominent Russian schools of thought, mainly of geopolitical nature (Slavophilism, Westernism, Atlantisms, Eurasianism, etc.) the work seeks to systemize the answers to this question. At the same time, it seeks to determine through analysis of the contemporary Russian foreign policy, which of these ideological leanings plays a dominant role in foreign policy discourse in Russia since 2000. Thanks to identification of this priority direction and by determining the primary orientation of Russian foreign policy in a particular region, the aim of this work is finally to answer the following question: What is Russia: Europe, Asia, or a separate continent of Eurasia?

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The thesis deals with one major issue of how the amaXhosa authors reflect change and transition in the lives of their characters in the period under consideration. This change pertains both to the socio-politico-economic life of the people concerned and the contents of the books and the style of the authors' writings. The study is ground-breaking in that it goes beyond common dissection of the structural elements of the books to a synthetic study of their themes, subject matter, character portrayal and setting. The primary aim is to give a holistic overview of the changing culture of the black people against the backdrop of subjugation and transformation.Chapter 1 contains all the formal preliminary information such as aim, method, context, relevance and topicality of study.Chapter 2 anchors the study in the newspaper age as a solid foundation for the amaXhosa literature.Chapter 3 is an overview of the beginnings of literary endeavours among the amaXhosa and how they reflect the impact of socio-economic pressures in the lives of the people.Chapter 4 further illustrates the impact of education and Christianisation on the blacks as well as growing political awareness among the authors.Chapter 5 focuses on culture-clash among the amaXhosa as a result of the alienating influence of both the church and the school.Chapter 6 highlights changes in society at the height of oppression under the previous political dispensation.Chapters 7 and 8 reflect the authors' thinking and how they depict changes in post-apartheid South Africa while Chapter 9 focuses on the role of Language Boards in restricting freedom of writing and expression during the apartheid years.Chapter 10 is a general conclusion that encapsulates the main points of the thesis.
African Languages
D. Litt, et Phil. (African Languages)

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碩士
靜宜大學
西班牙語文學系
103
During the 1970s, several Salvadoran leftist political organizations suffered violent repression by a military junta. These organizations demanded an equitable redistribution of wealth, which was in the hands of the traditional oligarchy. However, that small number of aristocrats controlled the government following the doctrine of "national security", which was handed down by the United States and suffocated anyone with leftist, communist and socialist orientation.The protests of peasants and workers from those leftist organizations demanding social justice were led mostly by social agents including members of the Catholic Church. These pastoral agents had been influenced by the new guidelines of the documents issued by the Second Vatican Council and the Conference of Puebla and Medellin. This new direction also matched the approaches of Liberation Theology, which betted on help and human promotion preferentially directed towards the poor.Due to these demands and motivated by the crisis caused by the repressive military government, a spiritual and peaceful authority emerged: Monsignor Romero. This Archbishop was a leader of fundamental human rights, a prophet of God who defended the cause of the oppressed to become the voice for them. Furthermore, he demanded and clamored for decent living conditions for all Salvadorans. The evangelist, but revolutionary message of this pastor was misinterpreted by the rightist government who accused him of being a subversive agitator promoting the popular revolt, which then led to his assassination in 1980.This murder, in combination with the deaths of so many other Christian martyrs or agents of social promotion, sparked a bloody civil war that devastated the country for twelve years. However, Romero’s selfless commitment has now been accepted and recognized as saintly by the Magisterium of the Church and the greatness of his deeds has been honored over time. He has become the symbol of social justice and peaceful coexistence. Also, he’s the exemplary pastor who gave his life for love and service to the most vulnerable and excluded people of the society.This research analyzes the historical, political, social and ecclesial steps of El Salvador to explain the value of the message of Romero. This Archbishop will continue to set the spiritual path for people across America and all around the world who look for equity, peace and prosperity.

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The textbook analyzes the patterns in the evolution of the media sector of world culture from the point of view of a comprehensive review of modern media. New phenomena in the system (module) of global mass media are characterized, achievements of foreign experience are correlated with Russian reality. The regularities of the evolution of a variety of media phenomena and facts are described, which at first glance represent a kaleidoscope of random, but in fact are an expression of what is characteristic of the world's mass media. An important role in the study is played by the political economic method, which allowed us to clearly characterize the main trends in the development of the modern media system: monopolization, financialization and tightening of media management. Meets the requirements of the federal state educational standards of higher education of the latest generation. It is intended for students and postgraduates of journalism faculties in the study of disciplines: "Modern foreign media", "Modern media systems", "Philosophical foundations of Science and modern journalism", "International Relations and Journalism", "Modern communication theories", "Western Communication Studies", "History of Mass media", as well as for graduate students and students, studying economics, political science, cultural studies, sociology, law.

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In the monograph, socially and politically significant aspects of everyday life are revealed through the analysis of those meanings of life that are either brought to the fore or hidden in the process of political competition. Elements of everyday life primarily affect representatives of the younger generation in order to involve them in the ranks of political parties and movements. It is demonstrated that many usually overlooked aspects of everyday reality act as propaganda products of political cuisine. At the same time, the most vivid and effective tools for the politicization of mass consciousness remain those that allow you to visualize and mythologize everyday life, breaking out of it with holidays, parades, performances. It is addressed to specialists in the field of sociology and political science. It may be of interest to historians and cultural scientists. It will attract the attention of a wide range of readers who are eager to find out what lies behind the objects surrounding a person every day and at the same time telling about the specifics of the socio-political structure of different states and historical periods.

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The changing ways in which human surroundings interact with human bodies have yielded some of the field's most innovative scholarship. These developments reflect trends in health and medicine from the late twentieth into the early twenty-first centuries. This article concentrates on a few representative areas where this intermeshing of socio-cultural with Hippocratic history has proven especially fruitful. It begins with the changing consideration of industrial health history. It discusses that fuller range of social and political contexts and contingencies have shaped the recognition and control of the industrial hazards and have brought new depth and realism to our understanding of the health history of industrial workplaces. The assertions and conclusions about worker influence on the outcome of struggles over occupational health have helped generate greater interest in just how workers themselves perceived and experienced these ailments.

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Hegel famously argues that his speculative method is a foundation for claims about socio-political reality within a wider philosophical system. This systematic approach is thought a superior alternative to all other ways of philosophical thinking. Hegel’s method and system have normative significance for understanding everything from ethics to the state. Hegel’s approach has attracted much debate among scholars about key philosophical questions—and controversy about his proposed answers to them. Is his method and system open to the charge of dogmatism? Are his claims about the rationality of monarchy, unequal gender relations, an unelected second parliamentary chamber, and a corporation-based economy beyond revision? If not, does his political philosophy collapse into relativism? Since Hegel’s method is supposed to save him from either extreme, is there anything about his criticism of previous philosophies that could make his approach attractive to contemporary thinkers? Or is it preferable to focus on Hegel’s conclusions only, disregard his method, and interpret him in a non-systematic reading? This groundbreaking collection of new essays by leading interpreters of Hegel’s philosophy is dedicated to the questions that surround Hegel’s philosophical method and its relationship to the conclusions of his political philosophy. It contributes to the ongoing debate about the importance of a systematic context for political philosophy and the relationship between theoretical and practical philosophy, and it engages with contemporary discussions about the shape of a rational social order and gauges the timeliness of Hegel’s way of thinking.

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Taking as its starting point the formative role of fear in Spinoza’s thought, this book argues that Spinoza’s vision of human freedom and power is realised socially and collectively. It presents a new critical study of the collectivist Spinoza, wherein we can become freer through desire, friendship, the imagination, and transforming the social institutions that structure a given community. A freedom for one and all, attuned to the vicissitudes of human life and the capabilities of each one of us to live up to the demands and constraints of our limited autonomy. It repositions Spinoza as the central thinker of desire and freedom, and demonstrates how the conflicts within his work inform contemporary theoretical discussions around democracy, populism and power. Spinoza’s politics and their development are analysed both philosophically and historically. The argument approaches Spinoza’s texts critically, presenting new findings from the Latin. It critically engages with diverse hermeneutic traditions in Spinoza studies, from continental readings of Spinoza’s ontology and politics to more analytical or historicist Anglophone approaches to his epistemology and metaphysics, alongside recent work sensitive to the socially useful roles of the imagination and the affects. The book sets out new concepts to work through with Spinoza like commonality, collectivity, unanimity and interdependence, and analyses existing debates around democracy, the multitude, slavery and autonomy. Its overarching claim is that freedom in Spinoza is a necessarily political endeavour, realised by individuals acting cooperatively, requiring the development of socio-political institutions and communal imaginings that can realise the common good.

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In Black Boys: The Aesthetics of British Urban Film, Nwonka offers the first dedicated analysis of Black British urban cinematic and televisual representation as a textual encounter with Blackness, masculinity and urban identity where the generic construction of images and narratives of Black urbanity is informed by the (un)knowable allure of Black urban Otherness. Foregrounding the textual Black urban identity as a historical formation, and drawing on a range of theoretical frameworks that allow for an examination of the emergence and continued social, cultural and industrial investment in the fictitious and non-fictitious images of Black urban identities and geographies, Nwonka convenes a dialogue between the disciplines of Film and Television Studies, Philosophy, Cultural Studies, Black Studies, Sociology and Criminology. Here, Nwonka ventures beyond what can be understood as the perennial and simplistic optic of racial stereotype in order to advance a more expansive reading of the Black British urban text as the outcome of a complex conjunctural interaction between social phenomena, cultural policy, political discourse and the continuously shifting politics of Black representation. Through the analysis of a number of texts and political and socio-cultural moments, Nwonka identifies Black urban textuality as conditioned by a bidirectionality rooted in historical and contemporary questions of race, racism and anti-Blackness but equally attentive to the social dynamics that render the screen as a site of Black recognition, authorship and authenticity. Analysed in the context of realism, social and political allegory, urban multiculture, Black corporeality and racial, gender and sexual politics, in integrating such considerations into the fabrics of a thematic reading of the Black urban text and through the writings of Stuart Hall, Paul Gilroy, Judith Butler and Derrida, Black Boys presents a critical rethinking of the contextual and aesthetic factors in the visual constructions of Black urban identity.

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Japanese in Meiji Japan (1868–1912) came to realize that socio-political and economic change occurred as an interactive exercise with culture. Indeed, from the late Meiji onwards culture became the object of a defensive attempt to ‘protect’ Japaneseness from Western emasculation. This became an important aspect of the fascist transformation that occurred in inter-war Japan. It was in an atmosphere of anti-Western, pro-Japanese feeling that fascism entered the socio-political lexicon of modern Japan. This article holds that asking whether Japan is fascist is a conceptual quagmire. It also discusses Japan between wars, Maruyama Masao's conceptualization of Japanese fascism, Japanese writing on Japanese fascism, and restoration fascism.

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An analysis of the aesthetic, cultural and political aspects of alternative poetic movements and individual poets in three periods: the Constitutional Revolution (1900–1920), the post-constitutional era (1920–1940), and the ascendency of modernism (1940–1960). Farshad Sonboldel shines new light on the history of modern Persian poetry by re-imagining the roles that the aesthetic experimentations of alternative poets played in different phases of the literary revolution in modern Persian poetry. Dominant narratives portray modern Persian poetry as a gradual, rational, and moderate change in the classical regime of aesthetics as well as a response to – and reflection of – cultural and socio-political changes within Iranian society. They also disregard the significance of radical experiments by alternative poets and undervalue the part they played in the initiation and progress of the so-called "literary revolution." These mainstream narratives minimize the socio-political engagement of literary works with the direct reflection of the social reality, and thus neglect the way many alternative poems struggle with socio-political issues through deconstructing the old and constructing new aesthetic systems. Each chapter of The Rebellion of Forms in Modern Persian Poetry is centred around poems chosen for their potential to showcase notable experiments of pioneer movements and individuals in each given period. Examining the formal and thematic aspects of these poems, this book reformulates the story of modern Persian poetry and unravels the relationship between radical aesthetic changes in the practice of poetry and resistance against political and cultural domination in society.

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This book explores the history of English-language prose fiction in Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and the South Pacific since 1950, focusing not only on the ‘literary’ novel, but also on the processes of production, distribution and reception, and on popular fiction and the fictional sub-genres, as well as the work of major novelists, movements, and tendencies. After World War II, the rise of cultural nationalism in Australia, Canada, and New Zealand and movements towards independence in the Pacific islands, together with the turn toward multiculturalism and transnationalism in the postcolonial world, called into question the standard national frames for literary history. This resulted in an increasing recognition of formerly marginalised peoples and a repositioning of these national literatures in a world literary context. The book explores the implications of such radical change through its focus on the English-language novel and the short story, which model the crises in evolving narratives of nationhood and the reinvention of postcolonial identities. Shifting socio-political and cultural contexts and their effects on novels and novelists, together with shifts in fictional modes (realism, modernism, the Gothic, postmodernism) are traced across these different regions. Attention is given not only to major authors but also to Indigenous and multicultural fiction, children's and young adult novels, and popular fiction. Chapters on book publishing, critical reception, and literary histories for all four areas are included in this innovative presentation of a Trans-Pacific postcolonial history of the novel.

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AbstractMaking human rights a reality requires that various types of domestic actors take measures, which is very demanding, all the more so in federal systems. Based on a comparative case study of Swiss cantons, we argue that an important part of the game is played at the subnational level, and not following a top-down trajectory, but with repeated back and forth between and within the levels of governance. Actors use human rights treaties in the policy process, sometimes leading to an engagement that increases human rights implementation, and at other times not. In this chapter, we first explore how international law continues to rely upon states’ domestic political institutions to fulfil international obligations—particularly those obligations that require the adoption of policy measures. We review how this state of affairs points to the central role of domestic actors participating in policy processes at the subnational level. Secondly, we contribute to concept formation, by explaining what we mean by political authorities’ ‘engagement with human rights treaties’, which is a key notion that we will use to describe an often crucial, intermediary condition between inaction and the potential implementation of the treaty.

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AbstractThis chapter explores how technological advances can shape our future consumption, marketing, and society. Using a McLuhanian theoretical lens, and the metaverse as an illustrative example of emerging technological development, the chapter unpacks the marketing and socio-political implications of technological advances. It delves into how brands have been using the current rendition of the metaverse to shape consumption, expanding our understanding of marketing in the metaverse. Taking stock of these examples, which point toward a mixed reality future, the chapter concisely highlights how marketers can navigate such a hybrid phygital future. The chapter ends by asking readers to consider the socio-cultural and politico-legal implications of the technological advances shaping our future. A techno-political matrix is presented that envisions alternative future scenarios that can help us both understand the implications of technological advances and anticipate potential future changes. The chapter enriches the research frontiers of digital marketing and retail.

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AbstractIndonesia is confronting an intensifying threat of ecological disaster due to excessive natural resource exploitation and environmental damage. Existing tools to evaluate local government performance are unable to critically assess many key aspects of natural resource and environmental management. The results of these formal performance assessments do not reflect the reality in local communities. We argue that this gap is caused by more than just inaccurate reporting; the gap between reality and assessment results is because official assessment approaches sideline the consideration of state–society relations and socio-political dimensions. The assessments reduce natural resource management and environmental protection in Indonesia to techno-managerial terms that reflect a post-politicizing of the environment, as outlined in Erik Swyngedouw’s critical social science literature. In this chapter, we look specifically at the content and application of these local government environmental performance assessment tools. While they may appear to cover key points of environmental good governance, their technocratic mode character is disguising politico-business linkages and oligarchical interests that damage the environment. Environmental crisis, social conflict, and democratic regression are consequently on the increase in Indonesia.

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AbstractWith strategic litigation, lawyers and public interest NGOs have sought to bring socio-structural problems before courts around the world for many years. In doing so, they (a) initiate legally substantiated lawsuits that (b) pursue goals beyond a legal process’ “success” and (c) address considerable political issues. Litigation strategists often strive to realise the judicial enforcement of human rights, environmental rights, trade union rights, migrant and refugee rights, and so on, in these proceedings. In other words, they seek to make the law “better.” It is precisely here that legal mobilisation’s structural limitations—also present in the day-to-day business of law—come to light in the context of strategic litigation.

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AbstractScience in the recent past promised to society to contribute to the grand challenges of the United Nations, UNESCO, WHO, the EU agenda and national agendas for change and improvement of our life, the human condition. In this chapter it will be briefly discussed how this social contract between science and society has developed since 1945. In the context of this book I distinguish three time periods, but I do realize slightly different time periods may be preferred, based on the perspective taken. The first phase from 1945 till 1960 is characterized by autonomy, building on the successes of the natural sciences and engineering in World War II. In the second phase, the late sixties till approximately 1980, government and the public lost trust and saw the downside of science and technology. The response from politics and the public was to call for societal and political responsible research inspired by broader socio-political developments in society. The third phase from 1990 till 2010 was one of renewed enthusiasm and hope that science and technology would bring economic growth, which should make nations internationally competitive. There increasingly was also room for societal problems related to environment and sustainability, health and well-being. In this approach of the so-called knowledge economy, with the world-wide embracing of neoliberal politics, strong relations with government and the private sector were established. This was accompanied by short-term accountability, control from government and funders at the level of project output, using accordingly defined metrics and indicators. Because of this, this model became firmly and globally institutionalized.

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This chapter explores how Persian proverbial metaphors are used in discourse to frame Iran’s nuclear program. To that end, contextual uses of a sample of Persian proverbs were analysed in terms of Conceptual Metaphor Theory. The results demonstrate that proverbs’ scope of operation goes way beyond their conventional functions. They are used to propagate pessimism, express sarcasm, make accusations, threaten and humiliate the rival camp, fabricate a new political reality, and manipulate the content and courses of action. The research also finds that proverbs are apt tools for framing complex socio-political issues, as they encapsulate a bundle of integrated figurative conceptualisations, providing users with ready-to-use conceptual slots to apply to complex scenarios with multiple roles and relations. Finally yet importantly, the research shows that the analysis of proverbs in discourse context provides a more comprehensive view of proverbs by completing the chain of association between the specific-level schema, generic-level schema and the immediate context of use.

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This article aims to explore the intertextual relationships between Dante’s Divine Comedy and three pieces of creative writing: Chariklia Martalas’ “A Mad Flight into Inferno Once Again”, Thalén Rogers’ “The Loadstone” and Helena van Urk’s “The Storm”. By employing a comparative analysis, I argue that, even though decontextualised, the Comedy still represents a fruitful aesthetic source for representing particularly war-torn and violent contexts such as South Africa during apartheid and colonialism. I explore how the authors, through intertextual references and parodic rewriting, both re-configure the poem and challenge some of the Comedy’s moral assumptions and the idea of (divine) justice. I aim to show how Dantean Hell, far from being an otherworldly realm, is in fact transfigured and adapted to effectively represent (and make sense of) a historical context. In other words, through an intertextual analysis, this analysis tries to understand why and how the Comedy resonates with the South African socio-political (and literary) context.

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AbstractDespite the recent international ascendance of children as independent actors and rights bearers, reiterated by the UNCRC, in the eyes of the state children appear as not-yet-fully-citizens. As minors, they do not have the capacity to launch legal procedures on their own behalf or to formally approach a court of law to vindicate their rights, independently of their parents or legal guardians. In other words, in the twenty-first century, when child-driven effective pro se representation, or a form of representation of a child by a child before the court, still appears utopian, the indispensability of adult legal actors as conduits to children’s access to justice is an undeniable reality and contingent on a multiplicity of social, political and economic factors that influence what forms of children’s representation that is made possible. However, while the representation of children by the third parties has received criticism both in social anthropology, and in (critical) childhood studies, scholars have only rarely addressed forms of representation and active litigation on behalf of the child, conducted by legal professionals in different arenas—in the domestic courts, such as the immigration courts, and in international institutions, such as the EHRC and the UNCRC.This chapter builds on earlier published anthropological and socio-legal analysis of court cases related to migration and political activism as well as on a number of original cases from both national and international tribunals collected through interviews and fieldwork observations. It aims at complexifying the existent models of children’s representation, while tackling broader issues of access to justice of the disadvantaged groups. By laying the focus on interactions among children and their lawyers, the objective is to deepen the conceptual understanding of the ways children and their lawyers conceptualize processes of justice-making and make sense of shifting social and legal terrains around the conceptions of representation. In what way are professional legal representation any different from other forms of representation and are they alienating or empowering? What are the exact legal mechanisms, social processes and agents that enable such cases to become legally actionable and contribute to recognizing children’s role as legal subjects?

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Thomas Nagel offers a distinctive realist framework across metaphysics, theory of mind, epistemology, and moral theory that shows how fundamental philosophical problems in these areas result from our capacity to take up increasingly objective viewpoints that detach us from our individual subjective viewpoints as well as from the viewpoints of our community, nation, and species. Nagel argues that our ability to recognize our subjectivity is also an objective impulse that allows us to recognize and take on more general viewpoints. But the fact that we occupy objective as well as subjective perspectives poses unsolvable problems for us because subjective and objective viewpoints reveal conflicting facts and values. Our ability to undertake increasingly detached perspectives from which objective facts become available indicates the core idea of metaphysical realism: that we are contained in a world that transcends our minds. Our ability to examine our values and reasons from a detached or impartial objective viewpoint implies that moral values are real in the sense that they transcend our personal motives and inclinations. Yet Nagel also holds that our capacity for objective thought is limited by the fact that we cannot detach ourselves completely from our own natures in our attempts either to know our world or to act morally. Subjective facts are equally a part of reality and our moral outlook is essentially the outlook of individual agents with personal and communal ties. This makes his metaphysical and normative moral realisms distinctive. His metaphysical realism opposes reductive philosophical and scientific theories that privilege objective facts, while his normative moral realism opposes ethical theories that prioritize impartial values without giving due weight to individual agents’ concern with the nature of their own actions. Nagel’s attention to the fact of our subjectivity in all its guises leads to very modest or even pessimistic views of our present understanding and its potential. He urges that without fundamental revision, the conceptual resources of physics and evolutionary science to date are not adequate to explain the development of conscious beings like us. His outlook in moral and political theory argues that the inequality that marks current socio-political institutions makes it unlikely that we will be able to transform those institutions and the motivations they shape.

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Latin American architecture and with it, architectural education frequently celebrates the insertion of local projects in the international design stardom as vanguard symbols of development, quality of life and local capacity for innovation. The material environment follows the logics in which the urban image and architectural objects are non-textual elements in a political, economic and social discourse.Thus, the 21th century architectural and urban re-invention is easily focused on the transformation of the material world to images of glamorous architectural objects and urban landscapes, de-territorialized from their local contexts, their people and the local narratives of place. How could Mexican architectural education respond to local, spatial, socio-cultural, territorial, environmental, economic and political demands to favorable impact the construction of material environment struggling under the clash between globalization, its neo-liberal architectural language, and the local emerging needs? Could it develop different and challenging focus areas, to seek new approaches to local problematics? How should critical architectural education trigger locally-based development innovation with potential to face global challenges of the professional world? In this context, Universidad de las Americas Puebla’s (UDLAP) researchers’ initial question was, how should critical architectural education trigger locally based development innovation with potential to face global challenges of the professional world?The exploration of a new and locally viable architectural approach to sensible Mexican urban territories was triggered by a project seeking strategies to respond the collision between the traditional community of Cholula, Puebla, and the recent urban development around it informed by global economy and its architectural aesthetics. In a design workshop, socially responsible professional practices and sustainable environmental transformations were promoted in a context in which global forces are influencing local urban planning policies. Thus, this paper exposes Expansive Learning1 educational approaches experimented to trigger strategies for collaborative community development. These strategies were based on Social Urbanism, socially responsible New Localism2 and Regenerative Development Design3 through bottom-up collaborative design and co-configuration work in which the architect adopts the role of a social and environmental mediator within the framework of Critical Realism (CR)4.

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The mass media in the 70s of the 20th century propagated a set of political attitudes relevant to the Soviet society. The content of these materials aimed not only at the selective reflection of socio-cultural reality, but also at creating through culture a positive image of the socialist model of life. The role of the mass media in the Moldavian Soviet Socialist Republic on the cultural dimension was revealed by the fact that although it paid tribute to politics, it partially succeeded in disseminating the cultural products and promoted the values of national culture, and thus, related about the national heritage.

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Coherent integration for transformation and structural adjustments in the socio-political, economic and cultural realms of each unit within the framework of social democracy might have appeared to be contributory to market-efficiency and the objectives of neo-liberalization as well as economic growth. In the present dispensation the authors have taken the attempt to analyse scales of normative frameworks in the socio-political, socio-economic and cultural context under various timelines to suggest as alternative means, in addition to policy coherence for the sustainable developmental goals.

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Women’s political representation is influenced by a number of different factors, including those belonging to political, socio-economic and cultural realms. The study analyses one of these factors – public opinion, which researchers classify into a group of cultural factors. While almost half of the world’s population believes that men are better political leaders than women, the median proportion of women in national parliaments in August 2020 on average is 25%. This suggests that women’s political representation may be related to low public support for women in politics. At the same time, although Latvian society in long-term prefers men in politics, there has been a rapid increase in the proportion of women in Latvian Parliament since elections of the 13th Saeima. The aim of the study is to establish whether the situation in Latvia resembles the general global and European Union tendencies, and if not, to identify the factors influencing the increase in the proportion of women in the Saeima. The study concludes that in the context of the world and the European Union, there is a correlation between public opinion on women in politics and the proportion of women in national parliaments. The case of Latvia could be considered a deviation from the norm. The rapid increase in the proportion of women in the 13th Saeima can be attributed to factors like the election of new political forces and a party representing the leftist values, as well as the increase in women’s activity in the labour market.

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Over recent decades Islamic traditions have emerged in new forms in different parts of the Muslim world, interacting differently with secular and neo-liberal patterns of thought and action. In Turkey Fethullah Gülen’s community has been a powerful player in the national debate about the place of Islam in individual and collective life. Through emphasis on the im- portance of ‘secular education’ and a commitment to the defence of both democratic princi- ples and international human rights, Gülen has diffused a new and appealing version of how a ‘good Muslim’ should act in contemporary society. In particular he has defended the role of Islam in the formation of individuals as ethically-responsible moral subjects, a project that overlaps significantly with the ‘secular’ one of forming responsible citizens. Concomitantly, he has shifted the Sufi emphasis on self-discipline/self-denial towards an active, socially- oriented service of others – a form of religious effort that implies a strongly ‘secular’ faith in the human ability to make this world better. This paper looks at the lives of some members of the community to show how this pattern of conduct has affected them. They say that teaching and learning ‘secular’ scientific subjects, combined with total dedication to the project of the movement, constitute, for them, ways to accomplish Islamic deeds and come closer to God. This leads to a consideration of how such a rethinking of Islamic activism has influenced po- litical and sociological transition in Turkey, and a discussion of the potential contribution of the movement towards the development of a more human society in contemporary Europe. From the 1920s onwards, in the context offered by the decline and collapse of the Ottoman Empire, Islamic thinkers, associations and social movements have proliferated their efforts in order to suggest ways to live a good “Muslim life” under newly emerging conditions. Prior to this period, different generations of Muslim Reformers had already argued the compat- ibility of Islam with reason and “modernity”, claiming for the need to renew Islamic tradition recurring to ijtihad. Yet until the end of the XIX century, traditional educational systems, public forms of Islam and models of government had not been dismissed. Only with the dismantlement of the Empire and the constitution of national governments in its different regions, Islamic intellectuals had to face the problem of arranging new patterns of action for Muslim people. With the establishment of multiple nation-states in the so-called Middle East, Islamic intel- lectuals had to cope with secular conceptions about the subject and its place and space for action in society. They had to come to terms with the definitive affirmation of secularism and the consequent process of reconfiguration of local sensibilities, forms of social organisation, and modes of action. As a consequence of these processes, Islamic thinkers started to place emphasis over believers’ individual choice and responsibility both in maintaining an Islamic conduct daily and in realising the values of Islamic society. While under the Ottoman rule to be part of the Islamic ummah was considered an implicit consequence of being a subject of the empire. Not many scientific works have looked at contemporary forms of Islam from this perspective. Usually Islamic instances are considered the outcome of an enduring and unchanging tradition, which try to reproduce itself in opposition to outer-imposed secular practices. Rarely present-day forms of Islamic reasoning and practice have been considered as the result of a process of adjustment to new styles of governance under the modern state. Instead, I argue that new Islamic patterns of action depend on a history of practical and conceptual revision they undertake under different and locally specific versions of secularism. From this perspective I will deal with the specific case of Fethullah Gülen, the head of one of the most famous and influent “renewalist” Islamic movements of contemporary Turkey. From the 1980s this Islamic leader has been able to weave a powerful network of invisible social ties from which he gets both economic and cultural capital. Yet what interests me most in this paper, is that with his open-minded and moderate arguments, Gülen has inspired many people in Turkey to live Islam in a new way. Recurring to ijtihad and drawing from secular epistemology specific ideas about moral agency, he has proposed to a wide public a very at- tractive path for being “good Muslims” in their daily conduct. After an introductive explanation of the movement’s project and of the ideas on which it is based, my aim will be to focus on such a pattern of action. Particular attention will be dedi- cated to Gülen’s conception of a “good Muslim” as a morally-guided agent, because such a conception reveals underneath secular ideas on both responsibility and moral agency. These considerations will constitute the basis from which we can look at the transformation of Islam – and more generally of “the religion” – in the contemporary world. Then a part will be dedicated to defining the specificity of Gülen’s proposal, which will be compared with that of other Islamic revivalist movements in other contexts. Some common point between them will merge from this comparison. Both indeed use the concept of respon- sibility in order to push subjects to actively engage in reviving Islam. Yet, on the other hand, I will show how Gülen’s followers distinguish themselves by the fact their commitment pos- sesses a socially-oriented and reformist character. Finally I will consider the proximity of Gülen’s conceptualisation of moral agency with that the modern state has organised around the idea of “civic virtues”. I argue Gülen’s recall for taking responsibility of social moral decline is a way of charging his followers with a similar burden the modern state has charged its citizens. Thus I suggest the Islamic leader’s pro- posal can be seen as the tentative of supporting the modernity project by defining a new and specific space to Islam and religion into it. This proposal opens the possibility of new and interesting forms of interconnection between secular ideas of modernity and the so-called “Islamic” ones. At the same time I think it sheds a new light over contemporary “renewalist” movements, which can be considered a concrete proposal about how to realise, in a different background, modern forms of governance by reconsidering their moral basis.

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In the paper, the author analyzes one of the basic starting points of the theory of constitutional law, according to which the constitution as the highest formal legal act simultaneously represents a symbol of unity and vitality of a state, a sign of its identity and a factor of social integration. If it succeeds in constituting a legal and socio-political order, the constitution has its future. From the aspect of such a theoretical definition, the Vidovdan Constitution has only partially fulfilled its function. Created three years after the unification into a common state of peoples of the same ethnic, but completely different cultural, religious, economic and historical origin, it has become more a symbol, and less a factual and legal reality. The paper will analyze the socio-political circ*mstances that led to its enactment and adoption, as well as the reasons that opened the question of its change from the moment it was adopted and entered into force. If we know that the quality of a constitution is crucial for its internal properties, its content, the circ*mstances under which it was adopted, the manner in which it was adopted, the intentions and goals of the constitution maker, it is clear that the Vidovdan Constitution, apart from becoming a formal legal symbol of unification, could satisfy the opposing aspirations of the Serbian and Croatian, as well as the Slovenian political establishment, the intellectual elite, but also the population itself. The Serbian political course of unification included a unitary system, a monarchical form of government led by the Karadjordjevic dynasty and a state that would have all members of the Serbian people within its borders. The Croatian political elite saw the new state as a transitional solution on the path to independence and the realization of a centuries-old dream of an independent Croatian state, based on the ideology of historical and state law. Slovenians perceives the idea of unification primarily as protection from Germanization, to which it was constantly exposed within Austro-Hungary. Thus, differences in the approach to the idea of unification will become the germ of conflict in the future common state. The Vidovdan Constitution could not resolve the antagonisms and mutually opposing views, but further deepened them. However, its importance is reflected in the fact that it shows that law is powerless in the face of socio-political reality if it does not primarily represent its framework, and that this thesis is current a century earlier, equally relevant today

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Being one of the most urbanized ethnic groups in Bessarabia, the majority of Russian population was engaged in professional activities. Th e article analyzes the specialized occupations of the Russian-speaking intellectuals from Kishinev when this region was a part of Royal Romania. Changes taken place in the labor market during this transitional historical period have transformed the formerly existing hierarchy of employment, moving the Russians from managerial and administrative structures to economic and cultural spheres of activity. Based on the materials that deal with the life trajectories of diff erent professional groups of intellectuals (offi cials, employees, lawyers, doctors, journalists, artists, etc.), the author reviews a less studied plot of adaptation of the Russian-speaking specialists to new political and socio-economic conditions, determining the ways and chances of their self-realization. Previous professions or the acquisition of new ones, able to realize the creative potential, could emphasize their signifi cance as the “owner of the profession” and allowed them to consistently maintain their habitual lifestyle and cultural traditions, contributing to social adaptation to the new reality.

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Our nation has always been proud of its high history and great ancestors. No matter where you go in the world, you will encounter the heritage of our ancestors. Especially in the XV-XVI centuries, the socio-political environment created by Babur in Central Asia and India left a special mark on world civilization. Science, culture, art, and literature flourished in the great kingdom founded by Babur. Zahiriddin Muhammad Babur achieved a great position in sealing the reality of Uzbek classic literature, geography, and history in Timuriza.

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Austria perceives itself as “cultural superpower”. Therefore, it seems fairly surprising that an own fundamental rights provision to protect the arts was positivised only in 1982. The socio-political situation in the perished Austrian Empire and the Weimar Constitution had a decisive impact on attempts to adopt a corresponding provision after World War One. Following the horrors of World War Two, the young Second Republic of Austria used arts and culture as tool to draw the picture of a peace-loving “Kulturnation” sui generis. In the following years a significant cleavage between the Austrian self-perception and the legal-political reality can be observed (also) in regard to Artistic Freedom. Neither Austria’s authoritarian past nor its Nazi past and related crimes had a significant impact on the legislative process.

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The collection of materials presents reports and messages of the scientific meeting of scientists, organizers of education, scientific and pedago gical workers, practitioners, applicants for various degrees of education, dedicated to the conceptual and practice-oriented understanding of the legal, socio-cultural and economic dimensions of modern reality in the conditions of martial law in Ukraine. The conference discussed the reports of doctors and candidates of legal, political, economic, philosophical, pedagogical, historical sciences, practicing lawyers, economists, teachers and other specialists from more than fifteen regions of Ukraine. Designed for scientists, teachers and applicants for educational institutions, all who are involved in the scientific and theoretical analysis of the modern world.

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Turkey’s more assertive posture towards the Balkans is neglected compared to the commentariat that deals with Russia and China. To fill this policy gap, the research team of the Belgrade Centre for Security Policy (BCSP) has conducted research based on the analysis of secondary source material and, even more importantly, on fieldwork interviews that involved 16 sources, academics and think tank researchers based in Istanbul and Ankara. Although the consulted sources have different backgrounds and political sympathies, the research established a presence of common themes. Namely, Turkish foreign policy in the Balkans has two aspects. The first is based on emotions, where Turkish foreign policy towards the region is framed by Turkey’s special ties with the region based on shared history, social connections, identity factors and the legacy of the Ottoman Empire. The Balkan country that is most frequently mentioned in the context of special ties with Turkey is Bosnia and Herzegovina, in light of socio-cultural ties and the fact that it is a country in which the Ottoman legacy is felt most strongly. The second approach is rooted in traditional foreign policy realism derived from an objective and calculated assessment of the regional balance of power and one’s own interests. Within this approach, Turkey is trying, for security and strategic reasons, to act pragmatically and be effective in the Balkans without entangling itself in crises that could impede its regional influence. This approach leads Turkey towards engaging Serbia, the region’s strategically consequential country, because Ankara is deeply convinced that if it wishes to be effective in the Balkans, it needs to have a partnership with Belgrade. In doing so, it must strike a balance between emotions and realism. It needs to walk the fine line between nurturing ties with communities with which it has cultural and religious ties, like Bosniaks and Albanians, while avoiding alienating countries whose partnership Ankara needs to be able to succeed in the Balkans, such as Serbia.

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Literature focusing on the aftermath of conflict in the Western Balkans, notes that many people remain focused on stereotypes and prejudices between different ethnic groups stoking fear of a return to conflict. This rapid review examines evidence focussing on various interventions that seek to promote inter-group relations that are greatly elusive in the political realm in the Western Balkan. Socio-political change requires a growing critical mass that sees the merit in progressive and conciliatory ethnic politics and is capable of side-lining divisive ethno-nationalist forces. This review provides an evidence synthesis of pathways through which micro-level, civil-society-based interventions can produce ‘ripple effects’ in society and scale up to affect larger geographic areas and macro-level socio-political outcomes. These interventions help in the provision of alternative platforms for dealing with divisive nationalism in post-conflict societies. There is need to ensure that the different players participating in reconciliation activities are able to scale up and attain broader reach to ensure efficacy and hence enabling them to become ‘multiplier of peace.’ One such way is by providing tools for activism. The involvement of key people and institutions, who are respected and play an important role in the everyday life of communities and participants is an important factor in the design and success of reconciliation initiatives. These include the youth, objective media, and journalists. The transformation of conflict identities through reconciliation-related activities is theorised as leading to the creation of peace constituencies that support non-violent approaches to conflict resolution and sustainable peace The success of reconciliation interventions largely depends on whether it contributes to redefining otherwise antagonistic identities and hostile relationships within a community or society.

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The article explores the key vocabulary of 2020 in the network space of Ukraine. Texts of journalistic, official-business style, analytical publications of well-known journalists on current topics are analyzed. Extralinguistic factors of new word formation, their adaptation to the sphere of special and socio-political vocabulary of the Ukrainian language are determined. Examples show modern impressions in the media, their stylistic use and impact on public opinion in a pandemic. New meanings of foreign expressions, media terminology, peculiarities of translation of neologisms from English into Ukrainian have been clarified. According to the materials of the online media, a «dictionary of the coronavirus era» is provided. The journalistic text functions in the media on the basis of logical judgments, credible arguments, impressive language. Its purpose is to show the socio-political problem, to sharpen its significance for society and to propose solutions through convincing considerations. Most researchers emphasize the influential role of journalistic style, which through the media shapes public opinion on issues of politics, economics, education, health care, war, the future of the country. To cover such a wide range of topics, socio-political vocabulary is used first of all – neutral and emotionally-evaluative, rhetorical questions and imperatives, special terminology, foreign words. There is an ongoing discussion in online publications about the use of the new foreign token «lockdown» instead of the word «quarantine», which has long been learned in the Ukrainian language. Research on this topic has shown that at the initial stage of the pandemic, the word «lockdown» prevailed in the colloquial language of politicians, media personalities and part of society did not quite understand its meaning. Lockdown, in its current interpretation, is a restrictive measure to protect people from a dangerous virus that has spread to many countries; isolation of the population («stay in place») in case of risk of spreading Covid-19. In English, US citizens are told what a lockdown is: «A lockdown is a restriction policy for people or communities to stay where they are, usually due to specific risks to themselves or to others if they can move and interact freely. The term «stay-at-home» or «shelter-in-place» is often used for lockdowns that affect an area, rather than specific locations». Content analysis of online texts leads to the conclusion that in 2020 a special vocabulary was actively functioning, with the appropriate definitions, which the media described as a «dictionary of coronavirus vocabulary». Media broadcasting is the deepest and pulsating source of creative texts with new meanings, phrases, expressiveness. The influential power of the word finds its unconditional embodiment in the media. Journalists, bloggers, experts, politicians, analyzing current events, produce concepts of a new reality. The world is changing and the language of the media is responding to these changes. It manifests itself most vividly and emotionally in the network sphere, in various genres and styles.

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This working paper is the product of the Living Off-Grid Food and Infrastructure Collaboration. It is designed to bring together our thinking on how infrastructure can shape the food and nutritional security of urban marginalised populations. Infrastructure assemblages include the material (physical and technological), as well as the political and systemic factors that ‘govern’ how infrastructure is developed and used. Urban food systems are made up of public and private actors, and market and governance processes that shape the cost and availability of food in different urban contexts. At the intersection of urban food systems and infrastructure assemblages lies the food and nutrition security of urban dwellers. The framing of contemporary debates and policy priorities with respect to both nutrition and infrastructure are heavily conditioned by presumptions – in favour of formality and griddedness, for example, or of the need to raise agricultural productivity – which fail to reflect the reality of marginalised communities in Southern cities. For these communities, their experience is one of hybridity, with formal and informal infrastructures and economies central to their lives and livelihoods. These hybrid arrangements are imbued with power structures and socio-political dynamics that are context specific and further condition communities’ experiences. Together, these are the factors that condition or shape the possibilities for individuals and households pursuing different food strategies. However, there is a failure to reflect this reality in the conceptualisation of infrastructure challenges, leading to unworkable solutions and policies that end up perpetuating problems. There is an urgent need to reframe problematic assumptions, starting first and foremost from the entry point of urban informal settlements in the global South. By taking food as a lens in this process, we illuminate these contexts, and how they relate to hybrid infrastructure arrangements and potential alternatives. This reformulation is vital at this critical juncture, when Southern cities need infrastructure development that meets the needs of rapidly changing demographics without locking cities and nations into unsustainable pathways.

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Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, p*rnography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.

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Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, p*rnography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.

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The dual nature of water as a finite resource and as a basic human right creates a tension that presents important implications for water pricing. Water tariffs are a key tool used by policymakers to create incentive structures that promote efficient use; at the same time, they can create barriers to access and ignore waters socio-cultural value if not calibrated properly. This conflict between pricing as to reduce over-consumption and to guarantee accessibility exposes the difficulty of optimizing residential water pricing, and the importance of progressive tariff structures in building more resilient communities.Water policymakers view tariffs as an instrument to balance various objectives, such as efficiency, equity, cost recovery, and environmental preservation. However, these competing objectives mean that effective water tariff structures must be acutely customized to local contexts, a reality that is especially pertinent to Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) due to its geographic and temporal heterogeneity in terms of water availability and demand. Prices can also be influenced by other factors. Four primary factor categories were identified as influential to water prices based on a comprehensive review of the price determination literature: (1) environmental factors, (2) urban factors, (3) political and ideological factors, and (4) management and institutional factors. The present brief examines how these factors theoretically impact pricing and what their status is throughout LAC, with the ultimate goal of providing a framework for future research.